Meteorologist Brian Sussman blows whistle on president’s scheme
The environmentalist movement isn’t about protecting the environment at all, according to meteorologist-turned-journalist Brian Sussman.
It’s about destroying private property, controlling behavior, and expanding government - and the Obama administration has a secret plan to further all of it, he says.
Sussman is now blowing the whistle on the real nature of environmentalism in his explosive brand-new book, ”Eco-Tyranny.”
He reveals secret memos from inside Obama’s Bureau of Land Management, or BLM, outlining a covert plan “to pursue a program of land consolidation” for the federal government to secure tens of millions of acres of land that will be permanently out of reach for entrepreneurs, businessmen and private citizens.
The plan, entitled “Our Vision, Our Values,” notes that 130-140 million acres under BLM management are worthy of consideration as “treasured lands.” Because ecosystems defy “jurisdictional boundaries, the memo outlines strategies by which the federal government can “rationalize and consolidate” its fragmented landholdings in order to properly “manage-at-scale.” While an ecosystem can simply refer to a single pond or small area, it can also refer to entire geographic regions, thus giving the government an almost unlimited justification to seize private property adjacent to “treasured lands.”
Sussman exposes this is not just theoretical discussion within the White House. The Obama administration is already moving to implement this as policy without consulting Congress by issuing an executive order entitled “America’s Great Outdoors Initiative.”
Learn about Obama’s diabolical plan to control your life by controlling your environment. Get a personally autographed copy of “Eco-Tyranny” today!
The unilateral order explicitly sets as a goal “reconnecting” huge swaths of land under federal ownership, creating large “corridors” compromising millions of acres that will be unavailable for use by private citizens.
The initiative also calls for the federal government to work through “public/private partnerships and locally supported conservation strategies.” This translates into activist environmental organizations having input on all decisions involving expanding government lands.
As it stands, the federal government controls more than 50 percent of the land in eleven Western states.
Sussman explains, “Nearly one-third of all our nation’s land - about 700 million acres - is owned by our federal government. Most of this land is located west of the Mississippi River and is rich with oil, natural gas, and valuable mineral deposits - which they want to lock up. The initiative will aid in that ambition, and more.”
Even more disturbing, Sussman describes the extreme “Gaia” ideology that is driving much of the environmentalist movement. Created by James Lovelock, the Gaia hypothesis holds that the entire earth is a singular living organism that can repair itself under natural conditions. However, people are destroying “Gaia’s” ability to reproduce itself, functioning as a kind of disease destroying the health of the living planet.
Sussman uncovers that the United Nations has actually been promoting this extreme ideology viewing humanity as the enemy. It also has been incorporating spiritual rhetoric in order to create environmentalism as a new religion.
In 1988, the United Nations Global Committee of Parliamentarians on Population and Development held a forum that hosted Lovelock as a main speaker. Lovelock took the opportunity to proclaim that “She [Gaia] is the source of life everlasting and is alive now; she gave birth to humankind and we are a part of her.”
This pseudo-religious rhetoric was echoed two years later at a second U.N. forum, where more than 100 religious leaders called for an alliance between science and religion to defend environmentalism. The late Carl Sagan, an outspoken atheist, introduced the appeal.
The conference also featured a speech by the former communist leader of the Soviet Union, Mikhail Gorbachev, who called for a “Green Cross” to fight environmental disasters. The group was actually founded, but instead of providing emergency relief it attacks the free market system and works for “basic changes in the values, actions, and attitudes of government, the private sector, and civil society necessary to build a sustainable global community.”
Gorbachev himself on another occasion that “We are part of the cosmos ...cosmos is my god. Nature is my god.”
Sussman explains, “We are witnessing a generation being filled with green religion, a faux spirituality that is as dogmatic, and potentially dangerous, as any on the planet.”
The “Gaia” faith is also not a religion of peace, as extremist groups such as the Earth Liberation Front or “lone wolves” like the Unabomber have already committed acts of terror, including taking hostages, destroying property, and even murder.
Sussman notes the FBI listed domestic ecoterrorism to be America’s No. 1 threat in 2005.
As he explains, “An entire generation and more have now been raised in a perpetual pall that declares the earth is doomed because of mankind’s pollution… for some, such fear mongering becomes a clarion call to hyperaggressive, unapologetic action.”
Sussman shows how the militant tactics and religious rhetoric of the environmental movement fuse with an effort to secure unlimited government control and divisive racial ideologies.
A case in point is Van Jones, the “Green Jobs Czar” of the Obama Administration.
A self-described revolutionary, Jones was arrested during the 1992 Los Angeles riots and decided he wanted to “be a part of” groups of “young radical people of color - I mean really radical: communists and anarchists.”
Jones was a member of the Bay Area radical Marxist group Standing Together to Organize a Revolutionary Movement, or STORM. He also worked to free convicted cop killer Mumia Abu-Jamal.
Just before his White House appointment in 2009, Jones connected the dots between his extremist past and environmental advocacy by declaring, “This movement is deeper than a solar panel ... don’t stop there! We’re gonna change the whole system! We’re gonna change the whole thing ... we want a new system!”
Jones was never fired by the Obama administration, and merely resigned to spare the White House further scrutiny in September 2009.
Sussman summarizes, “Let’s be clear about this movement - it’s being driven by a doubt communistic and socialistic ideology. Each time you hear an eco-activist or representative of an environmental organization speak, know this: he or she is knowingly pushing the message of Marx and devoutly hoping to see the United States changed. These activists will spin, bewilder, and lie.”
Sussman also describes the long history of partnership between communism and environmentalism, including the shocking fact that the very first person who described climate change as heralding the extinction of the human race was Frederick Engels - the coauthor of the Communist Manifesto.
Vladimir Lenin, whom Sussman calls the “Communist Green Giant,” issued a Decree on Land in 1918 that declared all forests, waters, and minerals to be the property of the state, and later would restrict forests from being used for industrial production as a “preservation of monuments of nature.”
As Sussman observes, “April 22 is the date of Lenin’s birth ...selecting that date to ‘celebrate’ Earth Day was clearly no coincidence. In light of Lenin’s devotion to nature - even at the expense of his own people - the communist vanguard provided a model for the government’s role in regulation of the environment.”
As Sussman reveals, such policies, tactics and rationales are remarkably similar to what the Obama administration is trying to implement today.
Another Obama executive order, titled “Federal Leadership in Environmental, Energy, and Economic Performance,"empowers the federal government to require vendors and contractors to report greenhouse gas emissions, document all efforts to reduce greenhouse gases, and ensure all suppliers are “using processes that minimize greenhouse gas emissions.”
See also the Ideology of Catastrophe. These are not great souls who alert us to troubles but tiny minds who wish us suffering if we refuse to listen to them.
By Dr. Roy Spencer, Spencer Blog
Since NOAA encourages the use the USHCN station network as the official U.S. climate record, I have analyzed the average [(Tmax+Tmin)/2] USHCN version 2 dataset in the same way I analyzed the CRUTem3 and International Surface Hourly (ISH) data.
The main conclusions are:
1) The linear warming trend during 1973-2012 is greatest in USHCN (+0.245 C/decade), followed by CRUTem3 (+0.198 C/decade), then my ISH population density adjusted temperatures (PDAT) as a distant third (+0.013 C/decade)
2) Virtually all of the USHCN warming since 1973 appears to be the result of adjustments NOAA has made to the data, mainly in the 1995-97 timeframe.
3) While there seems to be some residual Urban Heat Island (UHI) effect in the U.S. Midwest, and even some spurious cooling with population density in the Southwest, for all of the 1,200 USHCN stations together there is little correlation between station temperature trends and population density.
4) Despite homogeneity adjustments in the USHCN record to increase agreement between neighboring stations, USHCN trends are actually noisier than what I get using 4x per day ISH temperatures and a simple UHI correction.
The following plot shows 12-month trailing average anomalies for the three different datasets (USHCN, CRUTem3, and ISH PDAT)...note the large differences in computed linear warming trends (click for high res versions):
The next plot shows the differences between my ISH PDAT dataset and the other 2 datasets. I would be interested to hear opinions from others who have analyzed these data which of the adjustments NOAA performs could have caused the large relative warming in the USHCN data during 1995-97:
Enlarged
From reading the USHCN Version 2 description here, it appears there are really only 2 adjustments made in the USHCN Version 2 data which can substantially impact temperature trends: 1) time of observation (TOB) adjustments, and 2) station change point adjustments based upon rather elaborate statistical intercomparisons between neighboring stations. The 2nd of these is supposed to identify and adjust for changes in instrumentation type, instrument relocation, and UHI effects in the data.
We also see in the above plot that the adjustments made in the CRUTem3 and USHCN datasets are quite different after about 1996, although they converge to about the same answer toward the end of the record.
UHI Effects in the USHCN Station Trends
Just as I did for the ISH PDAT data, I correlated USHCN station temperature trends with station location population density. For all ~1,200 stations together, we see little evidence of residual UHI effects:
Enlarged
The results change somewhat, though, when the U.S. is divided into 6 subregions (see full post for these regional graphs).
Of the 6 subregions, the 2 with the strongest residual effects are 1) the North-Central U.S., with a tendency for higher population stations to warm the most, and 2) the Southwest U.S., with a rather strong cooling effect with increasing population density. As I have previously noted, this could be the effect of people planting vegetation in a region which is naturally arid. One would think this effect would have been picked up by the USHCN homogenization procedure, but apparently not.
Trend Agreement Between Station Pairs
This is where I got quite a surprise. Since the USHCN data have gone through homogeneity adjustments with comparisons to neighboring stations, I fully expected the USHCN trends from neighboring stations to agree better than station trends from my population-adjusted ISH data.
I compared all station pairs within 200 km of each other to get an estimate of their level of agreement in temperature trends. The following 2 plots show the geographic distribution of the ~280 stations in my ISH dataset, and the ~1200 stations in the USHCN dataset:
I took all station pairs within 200 km of each other in each of these datasets, and computed the average absolute difference in temperature trends for the 1973-2012 period across all pairs. The average station separation in the USHCN and ISH PDAT datasets were nearly identical: 133.2 km for the ISH dataset (643 pairs), and 132.4 km for the USHCN dataset (12,453 pairs).
But the ISH trend pairs had about 15% better agreement (avg. absolute trend difference of 0.143 C/decade) than did the USHCN trend pairs (avg. absolute trend difference of 0.167 C/decade).
Given the amount of work NOAA has put into the USHCN dataset to increase the agreement between neighboring stations, I don’t have an explanation for this result. I have to wonder whether their adjustment procedures added more spurious effects than they removed, at least as far as their impact on temperature trends goes.
And I must admit that those adjustments constituting virtually all of the warming signal in the last 40 years is disconcerting. When “global warming” only shows up after the data are adjusted, one can understand why so many people are suspicious of the adjustments.
By Marita Noon,Townhall Finance
During the three-day Supreme Court review of Obamacare, Justice Anthony Kennedy created news with his statement that the government has a “heavy burden of justification” to prove its case. All of America is watching and waiting for the expected June decision from the Supreme Court.
The question remians: Did the Obama administration overstep its authority with its landmark healthcare legislation?
But, at least in one case, we do not have to wait for a decision that the Obama administration has “overstepped its authority” - a federal judge has already handed down that decision. In this case, healthcare is not at the center of the debate; the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) is. The agency have been issuing regulations and finalizing rules with no “burden of justification.”
The EPA, “dominated by anticarbon true believers,” could be considered rogue - except that it has the blessing of the boss. The agency’s actions align with President Obama’s “campaign to raise the price and limit the production of fossil fuels” here in America. The EPA’s freewheeling, however, may have been curbed as the agency is facing a headwind of opposition from the industries they are shutting down, state regulators, and even federal judges.
The wheels are coming off the wagon.
A couple of weeks ago, March 23, the EPA suffered a setback when US District Court Judge Amy Berman Jackson in Washington, DC, determined that the EPA did not have the power to revoke a legitimately approved mining permit once it had been issued by the Army Corps of Engineers, as the EPA had done in January 2011 regarding Arch Coal’s Spruce No. 1 mine in WV. In ordering that the EPA’s “action be vacated in its entirety,” Judge Jackson said: “This is a stunning power for an agency to arrogate to itself when there is absolutely no mention of it in the statute.”
The EPA entered dangerous territory when it retroactively vetoed the permit, which had been approved after an exhaustive, approximately 10-year, regulatory process - which included time for an extensive review by the EPA. At the time, Senator Manchin (D-WV) said the “decision is not just fundamentally wrong, it is an unprecedented act by the federal government that will cost our state and our nation even more jobs during the worst recession in this country’s history.” He continued: “it has negative ramifications for every state in our nation.” Manchin called the EPA’s decision “an irresponsible regulatory step” and said it was “a shocking display of overreach,” with “a chilling effect on investments and our economic recovery.”
The permit, issued in 2007, now “remains valid and in full force.”
The following week, April 1, the EPA itself took a step back in its arrogant power grab. Once again, in January 2011, the EPA positioned itself above the appropriate governing body. In this case, the EPA filed a lawsuit against an energy company it claimed had contaminated drinking water in Texas through a natural-gas drilling process known as hydrofracturing - which is currently regulated by states, and for which the EPA wants national standards.
In Texas, oil and gas activities are regulated by the Railroad Commission. The EPA said the Railroad Commission failed to address an “imminent and substantial endangerment” to public health. The EPA then, in January 2011, filed a lawsuit against Range Resources. The Railroad Commission accused the EPA of “fear mongering, gross negligence and severe mishandling.” After an appeal from Range Resources argued that “the agency’s analysis was inconclusive,” and the company pointed to nearby wells known to contain gas long before Range began drilling in the area, the EPA dropped its suit.
Railroad Commission Chairman Barry Smitherman responded: “By dropping their court case and enforcement actions, EPA now acknowledges what we at the Railroad Commission have known for more than a year: Range Resources’ Parker County gas wells did not contaminate groundwater. This announcement is a vindication of the science-based processes at the Railroad Commission.”
The Texas case highlights other aggressive actions by the EPA. In agreeing to drop the case, the EPA has agreed to retest water in Wyoming and Pennsylvania where the agency has also engaged in the practice of sowing fear, uncertainty, and doubt - about which the Wall Street Journal cautions that regulators may be “spreading needless fear so they can enhance their own power while pursuing an ideological agenda.” As far back as the early 1950s, natural gas, especially methane, has been found in water wells in areas where no drilling has taken place, but the gas is naturally seeping from “underlying gas-bearing shales.” The seepage can be accompanied by a “rotten egg” smell that tips off an investigation.
Addressing the Texas case, John Hayward, in a column in Human Events, explains the ideology that “is the core assumption of radical environmentalism: all industry is guilty until proven innocent, and the burden of proof rests heavily upon industry. Only the most aloof, unaccountable, heavily concentrated federal power is suited for conducting these prosecutions.”
By spreading fear, the EPA justifies its existence - after all, there is a problem that it needs to solve. It gains power without, as Justice Kennedy said, “a heavy burden of justification.” The crazy regulations the EPA has been issuing represent a breakdown in faith in the government. The EPA has been exposed as being abusive and arrogantly authoritative.
Just two days after the Texas reversal was released, the EPA announced a delay on finalizing its rules aimed at natural-gas wells drilled using hydraulic fracturing. Oil and gas companies pushed to weigh in on the new standards. Perhaps, the EPA is feeling like the rotten egg.
And, these recent “egg-on-its-face” events come after the Supreme Court unanimously sided with the Sacketts and against the EPA in a decision that allows Mike and Chantell Sackett to challenge the EPA. In a statement, the Sacketts praised the court for “affirming that we have rights, and that the EPA is not a law unto itself.”
With this change in climate, it is time to challenge the EPA’s recent regulations against the coal-fueled power industry and give the EPA the “heavy burden of justification.” Let the agency prove that it is not just regulating on fear, emotion, and ideology - but on sound science
During the three-day Supreme Court review of Obamacare, Justice Anthony Kennedy created news with his statement that the government has a “heavy burden of justification” to prove its case. All of America is watching and waiting for the expected June decision from the Supreme Court.
The question remians: Did the Obama administration overstep its authority with its landmark healthcare legislation?
But, at least in one case, we do not have to wait for a decision that the Obama administration has “overstepped its authority” - a federal judge has already handed down that decision. In this case, healthcare is not at the center of the debate; the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) is. The agency have been issuing regulations and finalizing rules with no “burden of justification.”
The EPA, “dominated by anticarbon true believers,” could be considered rogue - except that it has the blessing of the boss. The agency’s actions align with President Obama’s “campaign to raise the price and limit the production of fossil fuels” here in America. The EPA’s freewheeling, however, may have been curbed as the agency is facing a headwind of opposition from the industries they are shutting down, state regulators, and even federal judges.
The wheels are coming off the wagon.
A couple of weeks ago, March 23, the EPA suffered a setback when US District Court Judge Amy Berman Jackson in Washington, DC, determined that the EPA did not have the power to revoke a legitimately approved mining permit once it had been issued by the Army Corps of Engineers, as the EPA had done in January 2011 regarding Arch Coal’s Spruce No. 1 mine in WV. In ordering that the EPA’s “action be vacated in its entirety,” Judge Jackson said: “This is a stunning power for an agency to arrogate to itself when there is absolutely no mention of it in the statute.”
The EPA entered dangerous territory when it retroactively vetoed the permit, which had been approved after an exhaustive, approximately 10-year, regulatory process - which included time for an extensive review by the EPA. At the time, Senator Manchin (D-WV) said the “decision is not just fundamentally wrong, it is an unprecedented act by the federal government that will cost our state and our nation even more jobs during the worst recession in this country’s history.” He continued: “it has negative ramifications for every state in our nation.” Manchin called the EPA’s decision “an irresponsible regulatory step” and said it was “a shocking display of overreach,” with “a chilling effect on investments and our economic recovery.”
The permit, issued in 2007, now “remains valid and in full force.”
The following week, April 1, the EPA itself took a step back in its arrogant power grab. Once again, in January 2011, the EPA positioned itself above the appropriate governing body. In this case, the EPA filed a lawsuit against an energy company it claimed had contaminated drinking water in Texas through a natural-gas drilling process known as hydrofracturing - which is currently regulated by states, and for which the EPA wants national standards.
In Texas, oil and gas activities are regulated by the Railroad Commission. The EPA said the Railroad Commission failed to address an “imminent and substantial endangerment” to public health. The EPA then, in January 2011, filed a lawsuit against Range Resources. The Railroad Commission accused the EPA of “fear mongering, gross negligence and severe mishandling.” After an appeal from Range Resources argued that “the agency’s analysis was inconclusive,” and the company pointed to nearby wells known to contain gas long before Range began drilling in the area, the EPA dropped its suit.
Railroad Commission Chairman Barry Smitherman responded: “By dropping their court case and enforcement actions, EPA now acknowledges what we at the Railroad Commission have known for more than a year: Range Resources’ Parker County gas wells did not contaminate groundwater. This announcement is a vindication of the science-based processes at the Railroad Commission.”
The Texas case highlights other aggressive actions by the EPA. In agreeing to drop the case, the EPA has agreed to retest water in Wyoming and Pennsylvania where the agency has also engaged in the practice of sowing fear, uncertainty, and doubt-about which the Wall Street Journal cautions that regulators may be “spreading needless fear so they can enhance their own power while pursuing an ideological agenda.” As far back as the early 1950s, natural gas, especially methane, has been found in water wells in areas where no drilling has taken place, but the gas is naturally seeping from “underlying gas-bearing shales.” The seepage can be accompanied by a “rotten egg” smell that tips off an investigation.
Addressing the Texas case, John Hayward, in a column in Human Events, explains the ideology that “is the core assumption of radical environmentalism: all industry is guilty until proven innocent, and the burden of proof rests heavily upon industry. Only the most aloof, unaccountable, heavily concentrated federal power is suited for conducting these prosecutions.”
By spreading fear, the EPA justifies its existence - after all, there is a problem that it needs to solve. It gains power without, as Justice Kennedy said, “a heavy burden of justification.” The crazy regulations the EPA has been issuing represent a breakdown in faith in the government. The EPA has been exposed as being abusive and arrogantly authoritative.
Just two days after the Texas reversal was released, the EPA announced a delay on finalizing its rules aimed at natural-gas wells drilled using hydraulic fracturing. Oil and gas companies pushed to weigh in on the new standards. Perhaps, the EPA is feeling like the rotten egg.
And, these recent “egg-on-its-face” events come after the Supreme Court unanimously sided with the Sacketts and against the EPA in a decision that allows Mike and Chantell Sackett to challenge the EPA. In a statement, the Sacketts praised the court for “affirming that we have rights, and that the EPA is not a law unto itself.”
With this change in climate, it is time to challenge the EPA’s recent regulations against the coal-fueled power industry and give the EPA the “heavy burden of justification.” Let the agency prove that it is not just regulating on fear, emotion, and ideology - but on sound science.